Saturday, June 23, 2018

'In voting new Umno Youth chief, grassroots decide life or death of party', The Malay Mail, 23 June 2018

 

        

KUALA LUMPUR, June 23 — Who Umno grassroots elect to lead its Youth wing today will have a deep and lasting effect on the party’s effort to rebuild after losing federal power, observers said.
In the past, Umno’s elections have been more or less a top-down affair, in which the selection of leadership had been more or less pre-determined by those in power, making the internal polls a matter of formality exercised for the sake of “continuity”.
But the situation has changed vastly since May 9. Today, the party is battling to remain relevant after more than half of Malaysian voters, frustrated by scandals and the exuberance of its leaders, handed Umno its maiden electoral defeat after six decades in power.
So the 150,000 grassroots members that will vote know that who they vote as the new Youth chief will send a signal goes beyond party walls — crown the wrong person and voters will continue to shun Umno and view its reform bid as more lip service.
“They will go into the party elections knowing who they elect as leaders will decide Umno’s relevance in years to come,” Sivamurugan Pandian, political analyst with Universiti Sains Malaysia, told Malay Mail.
“They have this one chance to show whether they are genuinely trying to change and if they elect the wrong guy then they will struggle to regain trust.”
As the party that governed for over sixty years, Umno’s youth wing had become a training ground to groom the nation’s future leaders. Three of Umno’s seven presidents and prime ministers had led the wing at one point.
So contenders for the post know well that their candidacy will be gauged as the harbinger of the party’s future direction.
Some party leaders like outgoing Khairy Jamaluddin had said to regain support, Umno must undertake holistic reform, one inclined towards inclusivity and openness.
In a nutshell, the party, which has banked on communal sentiment and nativist politics to stay in power for the past three decades, must move more towards the centre.
The candidates
Some party grassroots saw the increase in the number of candidates already indicated the underlying changes in mindset taking place within Umno and underscored the sort of reform pushed by Khairy.
There are nine leaders vying for the post in this election, an unprecedented number some members felt showed how democratic the party had become.
“Before this only a selected powerful — meaning rich — leaders had the means to contest, and they usually have endorsements from top leadership,” said one Youth member who wanted to remain anonymous.
“Now we are no longer in power, who top leaders endorse no longer matter because these leaders may not necessarily have the connection to government contracts or money to pass around...for the first time they will have to vote based on party interests and survival,” the Umno member said.
But still, another Umno Youth leader noted that half of the nine candidates vying for the post carry baggages from the scandal-ridden leadership of past president Datuk Seri Najib Razak, the man blamed for the party’s defeat in the 14th general election.
Candidates like current vice chief and senator Khairul Azwan Harun, Sungai Besar division chief Datuk Seri Jamal Md Yunos, the subject of multiple criminal investigations on the run from the authorities, and former deputy minister Datuk Asyraf Wajidi Dusuki were all ardent backers of Najib.
“If any of these leaders are elected, voters outside Umno may get the impression that nothing much has changed, and that can’t be good for our already-tainted image,” the leader, who did not want to be named, told Malay Mail recently.
The same Umno Youth leader believed this factor may prompt Umno grassroots to think beyond tradition and lend support to some of the more obscure contenders, with the hope that their status as outsiders will give the wing a chance to start clean and push novel ideas.
Names like Wan Md Hazlin Agyl, the Youth chief for the party’s Seputeh chapter, and Mohd Shahar Abdullah, the Paya Besar division Umno Youth chief who has been vocal against corruption within the party, have been touted as potential challengers.
Old habits die hard
But yet, there are those within the party that held views that Umno cannot shed a habit shaped for decades in just days, and those that will vote will continue to base their decision on a tradition that regards popularity more than substance.
On social media, a number of Umno supporters have already lamented that the outcome will likely favour candidates of the “old guards” like Asyraf or Khairul, even as both leaders are young, capable and are known to have pushed for progressive politics in the past.
The latter, which has promised to undertake structural reform that includes capping the age limit for the Umno Youth chief post to 40 and to simplify membership for younger cadres to join, is touted as the favourite to replace Khairy.
The party is scheduled to announce the polls results for the the three respective wings by evening.
 

'Pick Leader With Moral Legitimacy', new Straits Times, 23 June 2018


Monday, June 18, 2018

'Persaingan buka lembaran baharu buat Umno', Sinar Harian, 17 Jun 2018


  

 

 
Dr Sivamurugan Pandian
 
 
SHAH ALAM - Pertandingan tujuh penjuru melibatkan calon Presiden Umno membuka lembaran baharu dalam sirah riwayat Umno selepas keputusan PRU14 yang kurang memberangsangkan.
Penganalisis politik dari Universiti Sains Malaysia, Prof Dr Sivamurugan Pandian berkata, perebutan jawatan selepas PRU14 amat penting bagi Umno untuk menunjukkan adanya perubahan kepimpinan yang komited selaras dengan perubahan landskap politik arus perdana.
"Walaupun ia menunjukkan keterbukaan, namun bukan kuantiti yang diutamakan, tetapi pemilihan calon yang berwibawa, sifat orang Umno dan bukan sekadar menjadi ahli Umno, tetapi juga berkredibiliti tinggi, reputasi dihormati di dalam dan luar parti, serta boleh mengangkat Umno dalam konteks gelanggang politik yang sudah berubah," katanya kepada Sinar Harian.
Sivamurugan berkata, tujuh calon presiden dilhat membuka luas gelanggang pertandingan atas nama demokrasi.
"Perwakilan mungkin sudah ada pilihan. Perpecahan undi boleh berlaku jika undian secara blok berlaku," katanya.
Meskipun calon datang dari pelbagai latar belakang, beliau berkata, tanggungjawab besar menanti mereka jika diberi amanah oleh perwakilan memegang jawatan tertinggi itu untuk membina semula parti.
"Ada calon yang tidak pernah memenangi pilihan raya atau bertanding dalam pemilihan sebelum ini dan ada pula calon yang sudah diuji banyak kali. Kepelbagaian latar wujud, tetapi tanggungjawab selepas menang amat besar untuk membina semula parti.
"Justeru, perwakilan tidak boleh lagi mengundi atas sentimen, tetapi undi atas prinsip perjuangan parti. Tujuh calon (memang) meriahkan pemilihan, tetapi adakah bilangan ramai yang dimahukan atau mencari yang terbaik dalam kalangan terbaik?," katanya.
Menurutnya, adalah penting untuk memastikan pertandingan itu berlaku secara sihat untuk merapatkan semula barisan parti selepas 30 Jun ini.
"(Calon) yang kalah perlu boleh terus mainkan peranan jika perjuangan adalah berasaskan kepada parti kerana pasca pemilihan amat kritikal untuk membina semula kepercayaan yang terhakis dalam PRU14," katanya.
 
 
 
 
 

'Wajah Baharu Dasar Pandang Ke Timur 2.0' dan 'Pertembungan Dua Personaliti', Sinar Harian, 17-18 Jun 2018


Thursday, June 14, 2018

'MB Selangor: Siapa lebih menonjol?', Sinar Harian 10 Jun 2018

 
SINAR HARIAN
 
MB Selangor: Siapa lebih menonjol?
     
    SHAH ALAM - Kerusi panas Menteri Besar Selangor perlu diisi dengan ciri-ciri pemimpin yang perwatakan seimbang antara politik dan mesra rakyat.
    Pensyarah Pusat Pengajian Sains Kemasyarakatan Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM), Prof Dr Sivamurugan Pandian berpandangan Adun Sungai Tua, Amirudin Shari mahupun Adun Ijok, Dr Idris Ahmad masing-masing berkelayakan.
    Namun menurutnya, yang perlu diberikan penekanan adalah mendapat persetujuan semua pihak tanpa mengabaikan hubungan dengan pihak istana.

    “Calon Menteri Besar mestilah mendapat perkenan Sultan Selangor, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah, kepimpinan parti dan memenuhi aspirasi negeri.
    “Kerana kriteria diatas adalah yang terdapat pada Datuk Seri Mohamed Azmin Ali ketika menerajui Selangor selepas Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim,” katanya.
    Beliau tidak menolak pengaruh dalam kepimpinan parti mendominasi jawatan tersebut.
    “Persoalan calon yang mahu diangkat adakah dipilih oleh Azmin sendiri atau kepimpinan parti bergantung pada pengaruhnya memainkan peranan dalam parti.
    “Dr Idris barangkali akan diberikan keutamaan kerana pengalamannya dalam parti namun Amirudin lebih awal menjadi pilihan dalam pentadbiran jadi persetujuan antara istana dan parti perlu seiring,” katanya.
    Sementara itu, Penganalisis Politik dari Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM), Prof Dr Azizuddin Mohd Sani berkata, calon yang paling penting ialah boleh memimpin dan mendapat keyakinan rakyat serta istana dilihat paling sesuai untuk mentadbir Selangor.
    “Kalau nak MB muda dan ada pengalaman pentadbiran Amirudin sesuai. Kalau nak cari seorang yang senior yang juga berpengalaman politik dan dihormati oleh pemimpin dan rakyat, Dr Idris juga sesuai.
    “Kedua-dua calon ada kekuatan masing-masing namun pada pandangan saya Amirudin ada kelebihan setakat ini kerana pengalaman dalam pentadbiran dan Exco,” katanya.
    Tambahnya, prestasi Amirudin dibuktikan selepas Azmin menyambung khidmat beliau sebagai Exco.
    “Saya lebih tertarik jawatan itu diberikan kepada orang muda tapi kalau tidak mampu, boleh diberikan kepada yang lebih senior.
    “Prestasi beliau tidak boleh dinilai sewaktu mengetuai Persatuan Bola Sepak Selangor kerana semua negeri menghadapi masalah pengurusan sama,” katanya.
    Katanya, meskipun Selangor dalam kedudukan ekonomi kukuh dan stabil namun Menteri Besar masih perlu memainkan peranan penting.
    “Sangat penting jawatan MB ini. Kalau salah pilih mungkin keadaan Selangor akan teruk. Tak semestinya seperti Azmin tetapi mampu setanding dengan Azmin.
    “Beliau haruslah dilihat mampu dari segi kepimpinan untuk memberi arahan yang boleh diikuti semua pihak lantas memakmurkan rakyat,” katanya.
    Dr Idris adalah Adun Ijok selama dua penggal dikatakan calon tunggal dicadangkan Pakatan Harapan (Harapan) untuk mengisi jawatan Menteri Besar Selangor.
    Dikatakan beliau mempunyai rekod terbaik melayakkannya menggantikan Azmin.
    Beliau juga dikatakan mendapat sokongan dari parti perikatan lain termasuk Bersatu, Amanah dan DAP.
    Namanya tidak menonjol berbanding Amirudin dan calon lain termasuk Adun Seri Setia, Dr Shaharuddin Badaruddin.
    Amirudin sebelum ini pernah menyatakan kesediaan beliau jika namanya diangkat mengisi jawatan itu berdasarkan arahan pucuk pimpinan yang tidak boleh dielakkan dan perlu menjalankan amanah itu penuh tanggung jawab.
    19 Jun ini Sultan Selangor, Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah perkenan mengadakan istiadat pelantikan dan angkat sumpah Menteri Besar Selangor yang baharu.

    Wednesday, June 13, 2018

    'Barisan's Loss Is Pakatan's Gain, Say Analysts', The Star, 13 june 2018


    'Mengimbau Nostalgia Raya Jalan Ketoyong', Pena DrSiva, 7 Jun 2018


    '100 Hari: Rakyat Jangan Tekan Kerajaan', Sinar Harian, 3 Jun 2018


    'Transisi Harapan', Sinar Harian, 30 Mei 2018


    'Gaya Tun Mahathir Mentadbir Malaysia Dulu Dan Sekarang', Kosmo, 26 Mei 2018


    GE14 Roundup: Is Umno gone for good?, The Edge, 24 May 2018

     Twitter WhatsApp LinkedIn Telegram Email

     
    -
    EVEN if BN had managed to somehow cling on to federal power in the recently concluded 14th general election, Datuk Seri Najib Razak would have had to go, simply because the Umno he led fell in Johor — the birthplace of the political party.
    So, with the federal administration and Johor slipping from its hands, not to mention the other states it lost, it is a no-brainer to say Najib must relinquish his Umno presidency.
    Will Umno do a Badawi on him ? Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi saw the BN he led losing its two-thirds majority in parliament following the 2008 general election and losing five states, although it hung on to the federal government. Umno ousted him as party president.
    Abdullah’s failure is nothing compared with the disaster Najib has led his party into this time. So, will Umno force him out?
    Youth head Khairy Jamaluddin is calling for what he calls reforms. At the time of writing, at least one youth leader, from Kedah, had called for Najib’s resignation. Expect the calls to grow louder in the days to come.
    The blame game has begun. Umno leader Datuk Puad Zarkashi, who was dropped from the GE14 slate, blamed Najib for the defeat, saying the Umno president was too soft in dealing with the party’s warlords. He also pointed an accusing finger at fellow Johor leaders Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein and Datuk Seri Khaled Nordin.
    Why Umno lost is no longer the question. What the members and Puad are saying has been said by many long before GE14.
    Hence, the big question is, will Najib quit?
    Whether he goes voluntarily or is forced out, it means he will no longer be the opposition leader. Is he willing to be humbled, to be just an ordinary MP, after being prime minister for eight years?
    Assuming he resigns, on his own accord or otherwise, who will take over? That’s an equally big question.
    The logical choice must be Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi , the vice-president who carries out the duties of deputy president. He was, after all, No 2 in the Najib administration.
    Will he step in?
    But here’s the thing. When Abdullah relinquished the Umno presidency, BN still controlled the federal government .That meant the person taking over as Umno president would become prime minister. That was Najib.
    But now, whoever takes over will not be rewarded with the plum job of PM.
    So, will Zahid, Hishammuddin, Khairy, or any other leader for that matter, be willing to become Umno president and shoulder the mammoth task of rebuilding the party, and as the opposition? That’s  no easy feat.
    Now, another big question is, can Umno recover from the GE14 disaster?
    Political analyst Dr Sivamurugan Pandian told The Edge deputy editor Tan Choe Choe that “it can if drastic changes are made, [with] older leaders making way for younger ones”.
    We cannot say Umno has no hope — it still won a good number of seats. We have seen how the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party bounced back after a severe loss. So, it’s not impossible for Umno to recover if it can quickly find a remedy.
    True. But its members are not the Japanese, who are known for their resilience and endurance.
    I am not writing the party off. But I am, if I may, reminding the leaders and members alike that they have to recharge their semangat and rebuild their party without the things they were used to previously — the advantages, resources and perks of being the incumbent government.
    And before they embark on their long journey to recovery, there’s another question of the state of confusion within the party’s ranks resulting from the Election Commission’s redelineation exercise.
    According to a highly placed Umno insider, the redrawing of constituencies saw Umno divisions and branches being moved. That led to some leaders being shifted to other divisions and not having any position.
    The insider said the party leadership was aware of the problem but had told members to first focus on GE14 before tackling the problem.
    That included the restructuring of branches and divisions.
    Perhaps. The Umno insider said there were already members lobbying to be protem heads at the new restructured divisions. Obviously, then, Umno did not think that it would lose the general election.
    To say Umno is dead and buried would not be right, but the party has a mountain to climb. A very high mountain — and that is putting it conservatively.
    And there’s another thing — talk that Umno is an illegal party is making the rounds again.
    But that’s for another day.

    Mohsin Abdullah is a contributing editor who has covered politics for more than four decades

     
     

    'Ke Arah Melaka Maju Dan Makmur', Kosmo, 23 Mei 2018


    'Mixed views on Whether Speaker Should Be An MP', The Star, 22 May 2018


    'Pentadbiran 100 Hari Dinilai Oleh rakyat', Utusan Malaysia, 17 Mei 2018


    'Jangan Menangguk Di Air Keruh', Utusan Malaysia, 17 Mei 2018


    'Laluan BN Bangkit Makin Sukar', Sinar Harian, 15 Mei 2018





    'Peluang Tun M Cerah Di Langkawi', Sinar Harian, 29 Februari 2018


    'Tuntutan hua Zong Tidak Bertanggungjawab', Utusan Malaysia, 18 Mei 2018

    '

    'New Exco Line-Up Must Have Integrity', The Star, 14 May 2018


    'All Eyes On Mahathir's Cabinet Line-Up', The Star, 12 May 2018


    'Jitters All Round In Selangor', The Star, 9 May 2018


    'NAJIB: Tun M Tiada Kuasa Dalam Pembangkang', Utusan Malaysia, 8 Mei 2018


    'NAJIB: Change Isn't Always Positive', New Straits Times, 8 May 2018


    'Analysts: Political Motives Behind Veterans' Support', The Star, 4 May 2018


    'Strategi Tarik Pengundi Muda', Sinar Harian, 3 Mei 2018


    'Marginal Seats Can Easily Swing Either Way', The Star, 23 April 2018


    'High Drama Within PKR', The Star, 14 April 2018


    'Benarkah Puteri Reformasi Dah Basi?', Sinar Harian, 28 Januari 2018


    Thursday, May 24, 2018

    'GE14 Roundup: Is Umno gone for good?', Edge Weekly, 24 May 2018

     
    EVEN if BN had managed to somehow cling on to federal power in the recently concluded 14th general election, Datuk Seri Najib Razak would have had to go, simply because the Umno he led fell in Johor — the birthplace of the political party.
    So, with the federal administration and Johor slipping from its hands, not to mention the other states it lost, it is a no-brainer to say Najib must relinquish his Umno presidency.
    Will Umno do a Badawi on him ? Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi saw the BN he led losing its two-thirds majority in parliament following the 2008 general election and losing five states, although it hung on to the federal government. Umno ousted him as party president.
     
    Abdullah’s failure is nothing compared with the disaster Najib has led his party into this time. So, will Umno force him out?
    Youth head Khairy Jamaluddin is calling for what he calls reforms. At the time of writing, at least one youth leader, from Kedah, had called for Najib’s resignation. Expect the calls to grow louder in the days to come.
    The blame game has begun. Umno leader Datuk Puad Zarkashi, who was dropped from the GE14 slate, blamed Najib for the defeat, saying the Umno president was too soft in dealing with the party’s warlords. He also pointed an accusing finger at fellow Johor leaders Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein and Datuk Seri Khaled Nordin.
    Why Umno lost is no longer the question. What the members and Puad are saying has been said by many long before GE14.
    Hence, the big question is, will Najib quit?
    Whether he goes voluntarily or is forced out, it means he will no longer be the opposition leader. Is he willing to be humbled, to be just an ordinary MP, after being prime minister for eight years?
    Assuming he resigns, on his own accord or otherwise, who will take over? That’s an equally big question.
    The logical choice must be Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi , the vice-president who carries out the duties of deputy president. He was, after all, No 2 in the Najib administration.
    Will he step in?
    But here’s the thing. When Abdullah relinquished the Umno presidency, BN still controlled the federal government .That meant the person taking over as Umno president would become prime minister. That was Najib.
    But now, whoever takes over will not be rewarded with the plum job of PM.
    So, will Zahid, Hishammuddin, Khairy, or any other leader for that matter, be willing to become Umno president and shoulder the mammoth task of rebuilding the party, and as the opposition? That’s  no easy feat.
    Now, another big question is, can Umno recover from the GE14 disaster?
    Political analyst Dr Sivamurugan Pandian told The Edge deputy editor Tan Choe Choe that “it can if drastic changes are made, [with] older leaders making way for younger ones”.
    We cannot say Umno has no hope — it still won a good number of seats. We have seen how the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party bounced back after a severe loss. So, it’s not impossible for Umno to recover if it can quickly find a remedy.
    True. But its members are not the Japanese, who are known for their resilience and endurance.
    I am not writing the party off. But I am, if I may, reminding the leaders and members alike that they have to recharge their semangat and rebuild their party without the things they were used to previously — the advantages, resources and perks of being the incumbent government.
    And before they embark on their long journey to recovery, there’s another question of the state of confusion within the party’s ranks resulting from the Election Commission’s redelineation exercise.
    According to a highly placed Umno insider, the redrawing of constituencies saw Umno divisions and branches being moved. That led to some leaders being shifted to other divisions and not having any position.
    The insider said the party leadership was aware of the problem but had told members to first focus on GE14 before tackling the problem.
    That included the restructuring of branches and divisions.
    Perhaps. The Umno insider said there were already members lobbying to be protem heads at the new restructured divisions. Obviously, then, Umno did not think that it would lose the general election.
    To say Umno is dead and buried would not be right, but the party has a mountain to climb. A very high mountain — and that is putting it conservatively.
    And there’s another thing — talk that Umno is an illegal party is making the rounds again.
    But that’s for another day.
     
    Mohsin Abdullah is a contributing editor who has covered politics for more than four decades
     

    Wednesday, May 16, 2018

    'Malaysia's Anwar Pardoned, Paving Way for Return to Politics', Bloomberg, 16 May 2018


     
     
     
     

     

    Updated on
    • Anwar had been jailed for sodomy, spent years in prison
    • Mahathir has indicated he won’t step aside soon for Anwar
     
    Mahathir's Return Adds Pressure to Malaysian Bonds

    Malaysian politician Anwar Ibrahim is a free man just one week after his coalition’s shock election win and after more than three years in jail. Still, while it clears the way for him to return to politics, it’s unlikely he will take over as premier anytime soon.
    Anwar walked late morning from a hospital where he’d been receiving treatment, and was pardoned by the king for a sodomy conviction. He met with Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad -- his partner in the ruling Pakatan Harapan alliance -- and Anwar’s party plans a public celebration tonight. His release comes just a day before the Muslim holy fasting month of Ramadan begins.
    There were cheers and shouts of jubilation outside the hospital as a smiling Anwar appeared, flanked by large numbers of police and security officials. Wearing a suit, he touched his heart before waving and getting into a car alongside his wife Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, who is deputy prime minister and also president of their People’s Justice Party, or PKR.
    Speaking at a briefing later outside his house in Kuala Lumpur, Anwar said he had thanked Mahathir, his former bitter enemy, for his help getting released. He was presented with a flower garland from his ethnic Indian supporters in the colors of his party along with a basket of eggs, which one of his backers said symbolized renewal.
    "When you are incarcerated you realize what is the meaning and significance of freedom,” Anwar said. “There is a new dawn for Malaysia."
    Anwar said he backed Mahathir as premier and would not insist on any timeframe for a handover of power. Asked about their past feuds, he said "I have forgiven him," adding "why should I harbor malice against him?"
    "My position is to give him all the support necessary to allow him to ensure that the agenda for reform, the changes that need to be done, can be carried out,” he said. “It’s not a one man show. It’s a decision to be made by a team of leaders from Pakatan Harapan, with Dr M who is the chief steward in the entire process.”
    Anwar added he planned to rest and carry out some speaking commitments at universities. “I think I need that time, that space.”
    His release is a moment to celebrate for a group which labored in opposition for decades and faced constant pressure from those in office -- he’s been jailed twice on sodomy convictions and also for abuse of power. And his initial comments may ease, at least for now, early tensions within the fledgling government.
    Read more: Declassified Report on Malaysia’s 1MDB Shows Funding Anomalies
    Mahathir, 92, promised during the campaign to stand aside for Anwar once he was pardoned but is now pushing back the potential timeline by a matter of years. That highlights the extent to which the durability of the coalition rests on a continued rapprochement between the two former enemies.
    “Anwar realizes that for Pakatan Harapan to stay united and strong, he shouldn’t interfere or meddle in affairs at the moment,” said Ahmad Martadha Mohamed, an associate professor at Universiti Utara Malaysia. “He has to take an outsider role, and give possible advice -- becoming an elder statesperson.”
    Mahathir has indicated any power shift will take time.
    “In the initial stages, maybe lasting one or two years, I will have to be the prime minister and I will have to run the country,” he said Tuesday via video conference to participants at a Wall Street Journal event in Tokyo.
    The relationship between Anwar and Mahathir has been marked by decades of bitterness and public attacks, stemming from Mahathir’s decision during a prior stint in power to sack Anwar as his deputy amid a dispute on how best to respond to the Asian financial crisis.
    After he was fired in 1998, Anwar was jailed in the majority Muslim nation for committing sodomy and abusing power, charges he denied. He was convicted in 2014 on a subsequent sodomy charge and jailed in 2015 when his appeal was denied. He needed the royal pardon to bypass a five-year ban on re-entering politics.
    There have been signs of tension in the four-party coalition in the election aftermath, including public squabbles over the way cabinet posts are decided. Pakatan Harapan includes a party mostly representing ethnic Malays, and one representing Chinese.
    “I expect some resistance,” Mahathir said Tuesday of differences related to cabinet appointments. “So far we have been able to resolve. It is accepted that the final decision will be made by me.”

    Najib last month referred to Mahathir’s coalition as a "motley collection of parties" that he said would struggle to remain united. Prior versions of the alliance -- before Mahathir joined -- collapsed in acrimony over ideology, and at times parties competed against each other for votes in the same districts.
    Unity between Anwar, 70, and Mahathir is key to the government executing quickly on campaign promises to scrap an unpopular goods and services tax, review big-ticket infrastructure projects and cut spending.
    “The reason why the public supported us is they have faith in the leadership of the opposition to resolve some of the problems,” Mahathir said Tuesday.
    “He is leader of one of the coalition parties,” he said of Anwar. “I expect him to play the same role as the leaders of the other three parties. There will be no more special powers given, excepting as is given to ministers or deputy ministers or deputy prime ministers.”
    — With assistance by Isabel Reynolds, and Anisah Shukry

     























    Thursday, May 03, 2018

    'Disqualification of six candidates due to lack of due diligence: Analyst', The Sun Daily, 2 May 2018

    Disqualification of six candidates due to lack of due diligence: Analyst

    Friday, April 27, 2018

    'Op-Ed: Who says democracy is dead in Malaysia?', AsianCorrespondent.com, 27 April 2018

    Op-Ed: Who says democracy is dead in Malaysia?

    GE14-alternative  IN the watershed 12th Malaysian General Election (GE12) in 2008, opposition parties won 82 of the 222 parliamentary seats and 194 of the 505 state assembly seats.
    A Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) on Electoral Reform, comprising members of both the opposition and incumbent government, was established in October 2011 to look into: cleaning up the electoral roll; an improved postal ballot system; the use of indelible ink; longer campaign periods; free and fair access to mass media for all parties; the strengthening of public institutions; and an end to corruption.
    The PSC tabled its report in April 2012, and the Election Commission agreed to implement seven of the 10 proposals, including the use of indelible ink and the cleaning up of electoral rolls.

    In May 2013 for the 13th General Election (GE13), some 13.3 million of the 17.9 million eligible voters were registered to vote.
    Of this, 11.3 million decided on the composition of the new Dewan Rakyat (Lower House) and the state assemblies, with the exception of the east Malaysian state of Sarawak, which holds state elections separately.
    GE13 was further evidence that Malaysia was firmly on its way towards an electoral democracy.
    For the first time in Malaysian history, the opposition even got more popular votes than the ruling coalition, although in the British-legacy, first-past-the-post system, it fell short of obtaining a majority to form Parliament.
    Despite claims of abuse of government machinery by the opposition, GE13 further consolidated a political system defined by two parties – the incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN) and the opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH), both with strongly institutionalised parties.
    In fact, in GE13, opposition parties won 89 out of 222 parliamentary seats at the national level.
    The Democratic Action Party (DAP) with 38 seats claimed a very strong position within the Chinese community.
    The People’s Justice Party (PKR), with 30 MPs, is more multi-ethnic in outlook and composition compared to the other opposition parties in the country – though it is still perceived to predominantly represent Malays.
    The Malaysian Islamic Party or PAS, which won 21 parliamentary seats, claims it has the hearts and minds of the Malay heartland.

    Putting things in perspective; the incumbent National Front (BN) government under the leadership of Prime Minister Najib Razak introduced a slew of legal reforms to undo draconian laws and promote political participation and democratic principles among Malaysians.

    Najib’s BN government also introduced the new Peaceful Assembly Act that allowed for any form of public assembly without a permit.

    New revisions to the Universities and University College Act now permits students to join political parties.

    The government later announced that the 1948 Sedition Act would be replaced by the new National Harmony Act and promised greater freedom of expression.

    Many forget that in April 2010, Najib’s government was the first to establish the Committee to Promote Inter-Religious Understanding and Harmony to address long-simmering conflicts amongst religious groups.

    The long-despised and much abused Internal Security Act (ISA) which was widely used by the previous administration to jail critics and suppress dissent, was repealed and replaced by the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012 (SOSMA 2012).

    In addition to reforms, the BN government also introduced various programmes addressing the wellbeing of the poorest 40 percent (B40) of the population.

    Initiatives under the 1Malaysia initiative which grants free basic medical services; internet centres for the urban poor; subsidies at specific provision stores; subsidised housing; allocating a payment of MYR500 (US$127) to poor households per annum; schooling aid of MYR100 (US$25) to each pupil; as well as a book voucher scheme of MYR250 (US$64) per person for pre-university students and undergraduates are just a few examples of the many targeted programmes in place for the poor.

    Under Najib’s administration, greater funding has been allocated to vernacular education, and other community-centric programmes specifically addressing the needs of the Chinese and Tamil community in Malaysia.

    As Najib said at the Banyan Tree Leadership Forum in September 2017:
    “Let us not forget that Malaysia has the longest and most consistent record as a democracy in Southeast Asia. It is a genuine democracy and no one is guaranteed election, no matter how high their position.
    “It is the people who have the final say ― which is how it should be in a democracy.”

    * Dr. Sivamurugan Pandian is a Professor in Political Sociology in University Sains Malaysia

     

    Read more at https://asiancorrespondent.com/2018/04/op-ed-who-says-democracy-is-dead-in-malaysia/#ElHLBJ6isXRbQgq0.99

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